John Graham – ‘the surprise packet’

Found this newspaper clipping the other day. This is J.S.S. Graham golfing for Belvoir Park in 1938. He was also in the I.R.A. and rose to become Commandant-Colonel on the Northern Command, and O/C Belfast.

After he was imprisoned in the 1940s, he was to return to golf and made the Irish international team. He is named (incorrectly) as John F. Graham in the caption and described as ‘the surprise packet’ as it marked his breakthrough on to the Irish golfing scene. In his later career, he played for Strandhill in Sligo. The John Burke named in the caption was a former I.R.A. man who had played Walker Cup golf in the 1930s.

Advertisements

Mass escape from Derry Jail, 2oth March 1943

On the 20th March 1943 the IRA staged a mass escape through a tunnel from Derry Jail. The escape was one of a series of high profile actions by the IRA in the north in the first half of 1943. The escape itself is well covered by an episode of the TG4 series, Ealú. This article looks at the wider context of the escape in terms of the 1940s IRA campaign.

Information about the escape was only disclosed to the Chief of Staff McAteer and the Northern Command Adjutant Jimmy Steele at an IRA army convention held in Ballymacarret in February 1943. McAteer and Steele had themselves escaped from Crumlin Road in January 1943. Finance for the Derry escape had already been (unwittingly) procured in a hold-up in Strabane on 2nd February by Jim Toner, O/C Tyrone, and his adjutant, Joe Carlin which netted £1,500[1]. The outside operation  was to be planned by Steele, Liam Burke, Harry White and Louis Duffin. Toner and Jimmy Clarke would help organise back-up. Word was sent in that the escape was to take place on the Saturday morning, 20th March, at 8.30am.

The planning of the Derry escape had begun in October 1942 when a tunnel was started in the cell of Harry O’Rawe and Jimmy O’Hagan[2]. The month previously, Tom Williams execution had coincided with a military campaign in the north by the IRA (the first formal northern offensive since 1922). A fifteen foot shaft had been sunk and then an eighty foot tunnel burrowed out towards a house in Hardinge Street and all the spoil disposed of. Communication in and out of the jail was by secret text between the lines of letters to Annie Hamill by her fiancé, Paddy Adams, who was O/C of the prisoners (she was also a sister of another internee, Sean Hamill). The tunnel was now nearing completion having gone through all manner of problems including water-logging, a collapse (nearly killing Billy Graham), and even having to dig under a coffin. The excavated soil from the tunnel even clogged the drains which had to be cleaned out but didn’t arouse suspicion.

Twenty men were to attempt to escape, to be supported by waiting IRA units in Derry and across the border in Donegal. Selection was based on those who would commit to reporting back for duty to the IRA, north of the border, once they had escaped. Once the twenty had passed through the tunnel, any other internée was free to follow them and make their own way to safety. It was hoped as many as eighty might escape.

For use in the Derry escape, Liam Burke had went to Currans to hire a furniture lorry and driver on the 18th March. The cost of the hire was to be £9 (this was paid to the firm after the escape). He and Jimmy Steele were to travel up to Derry in the lorry with the driver, called Davy, who was unaware of their true mission.

The lorry was going to be left at the corner of Abercorn Place, so that the escapers, who were expected to emerge in Harding Street, could run down and jump into the back. The escape was confirmed for 8.30 am on the Saturday morning. There were three flights of steps at the top of Abercorn Place, where it met Harding Street, which prevented the lorry being moved to just outside the house where the tunnel would emerge but also meant that it wasn’t close enough to arouse suspicion. Liam Burke was to position himself at the top of the steps to guide any escapers to the lorry.

The tunnel had been propped with bits of wood salvaged from around the prison plus sandbags made from pillow cases. In total 15 tons of clay had been removed for the tunnel. The sound of digging it up had often been masked by music practice. The tunnel itself had been completed before the IRA had organised the getaway vehicles and so there was a nervous wait inside the prison by the internees who were itching to get out[3]. The exit was in the coal bunker of Joseph Logue’s house in Harding Street.

The next day, Friday 19th March, Steele and Burke were picked up by the lorry which then began the drive up to Derry. On the way, the driver Davy wasn’t very talkative. He then stopped off at the main door of an RUC station in Castledawson, parked up the van, and went inside. Steele, sitting in the front seat, and armed with a revolver, had no idea whether the driver had recognised him (his niece worked for the same firm)  or become suspicious and was, at that very moment, giving him away to the RUC. It can’t have been too far from his mind how Hugh McAteer, the previous October, had accepted an invitation to an old school friend’s house only to deliver himself, the Chief of Staff of the IRA, straight into the hands of the waiting RUC without a fight.

To make matters worse, Steele was sitting at eye level right beside a wanted poster that said:

Royal Ulster Constabulary, Reward of £3,000. The above Reward, or proportionate amounts thereof, will be paid to the person or persons furnishing information to the police leading to the arrest of any one or more of the persons whose photographs and descriptions are given hereunder, and who escaped from Belfast Prison on the morning of 15th January, 1943.”

Under the text were pictures and descriptions of himself, Hugh McAteer, Ned Maguire and Pat Donnelly. Eventually, though, Davy returned to the van, got in and drove off (it turned out he had got lost and went looking for directions).  When they reached Derry, Steele produced his revolver and told Davy that his van was being commandeered by the IRA. Davy looked at the revolver and then told Steele that it wasn’t necessary as he was an IRA supporter. He even pointed out that he could drive the van better than anyone else so it would be better if he stayed with them[4]. Steele explained why the furniture van was being commandeered but Davy agreed to remain with them and help out with the escape. As it was, he was the best placed to act as the getaway driver[5] anyway.

Steele and Burke had arranged to be billeted in a safe house in the city. Other members of the Belfast IRA had arrived separately, in twos and threes, to help in the escape.

On the morning of the escape, the prisoners found that the mouth of the tunnel had been blocked. As time wound down to the escape the idea had begun to take hold that the authorities’ failure to uncover the tunnel was a rouse and the plan was simply to shoot the internees as ‘escapers’ as they emerged from the tunnel. So, on discovering the tunnel blocked, they assumed the escape was over. Outside, Steele and Burke were unaware of any of the dramas inside the prison as the agreed time of 8.30 am approached. By now, the prisoners had realised that the tunnel was blocked by two bags of coal which were then transported back through the tunnel and into the prison clearing the way for the escape.

The prisoners then began to emerge from the tunnel and, much to the Logue family’s shock, ran through the house into the road. Kevin Kelly remembers that Joseph Logue had stood with one leg in his trousers in the parlour as they ran through. When he reached the street he saw Liam Burke and Chips McCusker and, even sixty years later, remembered the feeling of elation and how fresh the air was after being inside (Derry Jail was notoriously dark and damp). Kelly himself says:

You could never describe the feeling.”

Burke then handed Kelly a revolver and directed him towards the van in Abercorn Place where Steele was still sat in the front with the driver.

Back in the Logue’s house, Sean Hamill was keeping watch over the Logues as the other members of the escape team emerged from the tunnel. He remained there until the last man came out, even then delaying to make sure no-one else was going to emerge[6]. Kelly had jumped into the back of the lorry while some others delayed in Abercorn Place. To free up space Steele and Burke were going to stay in the city, rather than leave with the lorry, and Ned Maguire took over in the lorry’s cab with the driver for the next part of the escape bid[7].

A young girl who noticed the escapees in the street went to the prison gates and informed the staff (who were already suspicious that something was going on). By the time the warders discovered the tunnel, 21 men had passed through it and had escaped. Fourteen of them climbed onto the lorry. Some, including Harry O’Rawe[8], Hubert McInerney, Brendan O’Boyle, Chips McCusker and Billy Graham didn’t go on the lorry and made their way to Letterkenny on foot[9]. Sean Hamill had remained in the Logues to prevent them raising the alarm. By the time he left the house, the lorry had already driven off. Having previously spent time in the city (he had originally been picked up and interned there), Hamill then decided to stay in Derry on the run, and felt able to make his way across the border. O’Boyle was the last official escapee[10], while Jimmy O’Rawe, the last to escape through the tunnel, was the first non-official member of the escape team to go through the tunnel and the only non-official escaper to get out. He didn’t know Derry well and was picked up during the blackout on Sunday night by the RUC.

Those in the lorry drove off[11], making the four and half mile journey to Carrigans where they were to cross the border with the intention of linking up with the waiting IRA unit on the other side. The journey was pretty uneventful and the apprehension and tension among the escapers in the back exploded in a yell of triumph when they crossed over the border at Carrigans and travelled on to St Johnston where they were supposed to be met by another lorry. Instead, nine ended up surrendering that night to pursuing Free State soldiers and Gardaí. They were re-interned (a certain naivety still existed among northerners about the capacity of Fianna Fáil to support the unionist government), this time in the Curragh. A famous photograph shows eleven men captured by Free State soldiers in the back of a lorry.

Photo showing prisoners re-captured by Free State soldiers in Donegal (published in Tim Pat Coogan's The IRA.

Photo showing prisoners re-captured by Free State soldiers in Donegal (published in Tim Pat Coogan’s The IRA.

Having left the lorry (it was eventually found in Sion Mills), Steele and Burke made an uneventful train journey back to Belfast. Steele was dressed in his Auxiliary Fire Service uniform while Burke was dressed as a priest. After they arrived back in Belfast, the £9 was forwarded to Currans to pay for the hire of the lorry.

Some, like Kevin Kelly, believed the timing of the escape was wrong and they should have gone out in the evening to take advantage of the blackout and then night-time. Within a week only three of the 21 were still at liberty. Lessons from the May 1941  and January 1943 escapes from Crumlin Road had not been learned, like not using getaway cars or trying to co-ordinate with outside help, with obvious consequences (in contrast, it was months before any of the May 1941 or January 1943 escapees were recaptured).

Strategically, the IRA appeared to have an eye, either consciously or subconsciously, on the propaganda value of an escape over the immediate practical contribution freeing 21 experienced volunteers would make to its northern campaign. As the IRA’s centre had shifted to the north in the early 1940s, a growing emphasis was put on positioning the question of Irish unity on the agenda of any expected Versailles-style conference that might happen after the world war. The IRA’s sabotage campaign in Britain had started in January 1939, but by September the start of the world war held out the prospect that a British reverse might be a catalyst to the re-establishment of the Irish republic as declared at Easter 1916 (the IRA’s ultimate objective).

As the possibility of British defeat receded, attitudes changed and, different dynamics emerged, first with the German invasion of Russia[12], and then with US entry into the war. The latter in particular, created the hope of a Versailles-style conference. And this is not as far-fetched as it now sounds. Irish unity had been an active issue in the public discussions of US support for the allies and then participation in the war. And until the Yalta conference in 1945, it was assumed there would be a negotiated end to the war. In Belfast, the IRA, under Hugh McAteer, had issued a number of public statements about the deployments of US troops in the north in 1942 and 1943 hoping to gain some headlines in the US. In his historical novel, An Ulster Idyll, Vincent McDowell (himself a 1940s internee) captures the general thinking among republicans in 1942:

“They could look forward to peace eventually and some kind of normality, but the IRA hoped that they would have a place in the final peace conference, and that the question of Irish unity would be raised, hopefully with the help of the Americans.”

McAteer, in the Sunday Independent in 1951[13] wrote that by the middle of April 1943 the IRA leadership were openly admitting to each other that the military offensive begun in September 1942 was failing:

“…we acknowledged to each other what we had long felt in our own hearts – that the possibility of our plans in the North succeeding was out of the question for the present. The propaganda value of the Derry escape, as evidenced by the many popular ballads, was tremendous; the practical result very small. The mass of the people were thoroughly disillusioned by the attitude of the 26-County Government towards us in the North; hundreds of our more experienced men were imprisoned or interned. The pattern of our work was thus clear. We had first of all to preserve the spirit of the movement, even if we could achieve nothing more concrete, and, secondly, to keep ourselves out of the jails as long as possible, and even this was becoming more difficult.”

By April 1943 then, the IRA’s northern offensive had largely petered out and by the middle of that year there was a clear shift towards dealing with prison issues. McAteer’s statement about the IRA’s thinking in March and April 1943 may also reflect growing public confidence in the possibility of an outright allied victory following Stalingrad and El Alamein and the realisation that a post-war conference to settle territorial claims and disputes was now looking unlikely.

With the possibility of a Versailles-type settlement gone, as McAteer states, the priority was now “..to preserve the spirit of the movement”. That set the stage for next big propaganda coup of the IRA, its 1943 Easter Commemoration in Belfast, which I’ll cover another day.

[1] McEoin (Harry), p133

[2] There are various accounts, including in Harry and The IRA in the Twilight Years, also an episode of the TG4 series, Ealú: To Hell and Back.

[3] Kevin Kelly, interviewed on Ealú.

[4] Hayes, 2004, 69

[5] Hayes 2004, 69

[6] Information as related by Sean to his son Féilim.

[7] Based, in part, on Hugh McAteer’s account (Sunday Independent 13.5.1951)

[8] O’Rawe had stood and watched Eamon Ó Cianáin and others escape over the wall in Crumlin Road in May 1941, only for warders to arrive and end his chances of escape. O’Rawe had helped wrestle the warders away from Gerry Doherty who was the last man over the wall on that occasion.

[9] As Chips McCusker was standing with Liam Burke when Kevin Kelly emerged from Logue’s, those who didn’t go in the lorry appear to have chosen not to do so either to divide the escapers up to evade capture or due to lack of space (McAteer, writing in 1951, implies that they were left behind).

[10] Coogan 1970 The IRA, 185

[11] According to Liam Burke’s account in The IRA in the Twilight Years, the driver and Ned Maguire took the lorry to the border, himself and Jimmy apparently staying the city.

[12] In Ar Thóir mo Shealbha Tarlach Ó hUid describes how a loose collaboration between the broad left in Belfast and the IRA in 1940 came apart over differing opinions over the ending of the German/Soviet pact with the German invasion of Russia. Joe Cahill (in Anderson’s 2002 biography of him A Life in the IRA) also relates that the moods in the prison and relations between warders and prisoners ebbed and flowed with the fortunes of the war and the changing alliances.

[13] Sunday Independent 20th May 1951

Diarmuid Ferriter on the schemes to award pensions for  service in 1913-24

Interesting piece on the various pension schemes by Diarmuid Ferriter in the Examiner. One of those whose experience he recounts is Tom Barry, who eventually had to have his application resolved, conveniently enough (for de Valera), by de Valera himself. The whole pension process being a form of auction politics in using pensions to reward or win over supporters and opponents. Here’s a selection from Ferriter’s piece on how Barry had to take on the Military Service Pensions Board over its decision that:

 …his activities during the revolutionary period did not merit the award of the most senior rank and grade for the purposes of payment of a pension (pensions were graded A to E depending on rank and length of service).
In December 1938, Barry wrote to the assessment board to submit his form, which claimed IRA service from July 1919 to the end of September 1923: “I would like to point out that I have not included what I would term the lesser fights, shootings or actions. I have only dealt with the major activities… I claim that I was continuously engaged without a break for the period mentioned. In justice to myself and the officers and men I commanded, I claim Rank A.
“Apart from the post of Liaison officer for the martial law area to which post I was appointed on the day preceding the Truce, by virtue of my rank as deputy divisional O/C [Officer Commanding] prior to that date, I had under my absolute control all the fighting organisation of active service units in Cork, Kerry, Waterford and West Limerick. My post was NOT vice O/C but Deputy O/C. The late General [Liam] Lynch handed me over all the Active Service Units about three weeks after his own appointment. My rank and activities also during the Civil War period entitles me to rank A.”
Days later, he wrote another letter to the board, suggesting “it is possible that the Board would be facilitated by a more detailed statement in deciding the issue of my rank” and also to make the point that, at the outset of the Civil War, “the ranks on 1 July 1922 were indeed very vague for any of the GHQ [General Head Quarter] officers”.
During his sworn statement before the military service pension’s advisory committee, Barry was asked was there a difference between deputy divisional commander and vice divisional O/C.
He replied: “Certainly there was a difference… Deputy Divisional O/C is one which ranks co-jointly with the OC, whereas the Vice O/C is only a staff officer.” In reply to the question about a later period — “You claim your rank at that period was Rank A?” — his reply was adamant: “Certainly. I would accept no other rank.”

Grave disappointment was to follow for Barry. In January 1940, he received his military service pension award of Rank B, which “I reject… on the grounds of both length of service and of rank”. He was livid that the board had disallowed him full-time active service on certain key dates, including the periods October 1919 to July 1921 and July to September 1923. “It is sufficient to state that my award was humiliating to a degree,” he said.

Belfast in 1916

Charlie Monaghan and Winnie Carney

Who were the Belfast women and men who took part in the Easter Rising in 1916? A full list of the men mobilised was compiled by the Belfast Commandant in 1916, Peter Burns, in May 1936 and submitted to the Belfast Brigade Committee convened to identify those who may be eligible for pensions from the Free State government for service in 1916-23. It is included at the bottom of this article (the original, MA-MSPC-RO-402, is in the Military Archives).

An account of events in 1916 in Belfast was gathered together by Jimmy Steele and included in 1916-1966: Belfast and nineteen-sixteen, published by the National Graves Association in 1966. It included contributions from Denis McCullough, Cathal O’Shanon and Nora Connolly (which includes a list of women who participated). In March 1916, Denis McCullough (head of the Supreme Council of the IRB) had received his orders from Pearse and Connolly and gave this account in his witness statement:

…Pearse made the following arrangements. When the date for the Rising was decided, we were to receive a code message, the date given in which was to be read as seven days earlier, as the date set for the Rising. I was to mobilise my men, with all arms and ammunition and equipment available, to convey them to Tyrone, join the Tyrone men mobilised there and “proceed with all possible haste, to join Mellows in Connaught and act under his command there”. Burke [the full-time Ulster organiser] was to join us with his men from Carrickmacross and, I presume, take command of the joint forces. I pointed out the length of the journey we had to take, the type of country and population we had to pass through and how sparsely armed my men were for such an undertaking.

I suggested that we would have to attack the R.I.C. barracks on our way through, to secure the arms we required. Connolly got quite cross at this suggestion and ainost shouted at me “You will fire no shot in Ulster: you will proceed with all possible speed to join Mellows in Connaught” and he added, “if we win through, we will then deal with Ulster”. He added further, to both Burke and myself “You will observe that as an order and obey it strictly”. I looked at Pearse, to ascertain if he agreed with this and he nodded assent, with some remark like “Yes, that’s an order”.

When McCullough heard the date of the rising, it happened to be from a Protestant IRB man in Belfast, Alfie Cotton.  The order was for the Belfast volunteers to proceed to Dungannon, supposedly for Easter manouevres when they were to parade with full equipment and arms (their arms were stored in a man called Stewart’s house in Hannahstown and consisted of 42 rifles of various types, while each volunteers carried a revolver). At Dungannon they were to join the Tyrone men under Dr Pat McCartan, Monaghan men under Burke, and all were to head to Galway to link up with Liam Mellows.

McCullough didn’t like these orders (but obeyed as the Supreme Council had agreed to take orders from the IRB Military Council for the proposed rising) and, heading to Dublin to meet Tom Clarke, he told Clarke that he (McCullough) would have it out with Clarke and Sean MacDiarmada afterwards. When leaving McCullough told Clarke: “Tom, none of us will come alive out of this.

McCullough warned the Belfast Battalion that they might have defend themselves on manouevres that weekend and that he himself was going to go to confession beforehand. This impressed the seriousness on them. An advance party had travelled to Coalisland on Good Friday, at the same time Volunteer Charlie Monaghan, from Ballymacarret in Belfast, was killed in a car accident in Kerry whilst involved in preparations for the Rising. On Easter Saturday 132 men answered the roll call and headed off in three groups to Coalisland (McCullough having withdrawn £142 from his bank account and paid all their train fares). They found the Tyrone men unwilling to move and confusion reigned over their actual orders.

A group of Cumann na mBán volunteers had also mobilised to travel to Coalisland. This included Nora Connolly, Ina Connolly, Bridie Farrell, Lizie Allen, Kathleen Murphy, Elizabeth Corr, Nell Corr and another girl called O’Neill (as listed in Nora Connolly’s account in 1916-1966: Belfast in nineteensixteen). In the absence of clear orders in Tyrone, the Cumann na mBán detachment then left Tyrone for Dublin, where Winifred Carney was already serving as secretary to James Connolly, arriving there at 6 am. Nora Connolly reported to her father on the mobilisation in Belfast and her colleagues were dispatched to brief the various leaders (who were still unsure whether to rise the next day) to advise them that Belfast and Tyrone had already risen. In Kathleen Murphy’s account, Connolly re-assembled the Belfast Cumann na mBán to tell them that based on their news,

“You will be delighted to know that we have all decided to strike a blow for Ireland”

Some were then dispatched back to Coalisland to advise the Belfast and Tyrone contingents that the Rising had begun in Dublin. Meanwhile, though, Denis McCullough believed the plan had been aborted and stood down the Belfast men, before their presence might arouse suspicion, sending them back home on the Sunday evening. Some of the Belfast Cumann na mBán volunteers then returned to Dublin again to take part in the Rising.

In her witness statement, Elizabeth Corr gives the details of the Cumann na mBán detachment which mobilised at Easter 1916 (this differs slightly from Nora Connolly’s account but agrees with that of Kathleen Murphy):

Captain: Norah Connolly

Roll Lizie Allen, Ina Connolly, Elizabeth Corr, Nell Corr, Kathleen Murphy, Bridie O’Farrell, Alice Ward, Kitty Ward

The last three names were part of second detachment that was turned back at the train station (the Wards had not officially been sworn into Cumann na mBán).

On the Easter Tuesday, having unravelled the confusing communications such as McNeill’s countermanding order and aware of events in Dublin, the Belfast volunteers re-assembled on the Convent Fields on the Falls Road but, lacking arms, they decided against mobilising again, choosing to monitor events instead.

The list below was that produced by the Belfast Brigade Committee. Dated 15/5/1936 with a handwritten note at the end from Peter Burns saying that this is the names of the Irish Volunteers at Easter 1916, apart from a few names that might be missing. There are 156 names (or partial names) below, well in excess of McCullough’s muster of 132 men on Easter Saturday. Addresses are those given for 1936. Names in bold were interned in Frongoch and where a witness statement is available from the Bureau of Military History it is linked (further accounts can be found here). Belfast Cumann na mBán participants were jailed in Kilmainham and later interned in Aylesbury.

Some of those listed were to continue their involvement in 1917-22 and through the Civil War and into later decades, such as George Nash and Dan Turley (who was eventually shot by the IRA in disputed circumstances in 1937). Charles McDowell, who lived at 116 Leeson Street, was the license-holder for 118 Leeson Street a false address that features repeatedly in the pension records as a code for individuals who were clearly of interest to the Free State government. Some other 1916 veterans like Bernard McMackin and Pat Nash died due to the rigors of imprisonment. Notably, 25 of the 156 men on Burns’ list were dead by 1936. A further 32 were resident in the south, and 9 were overseas. In total, only 90 of the 156 were still alive in Belfast 20 years after the Rising.

Committee

Chairman: Denis McCullough Vice Chair: Herbert M. Pim Secretary: Samuel Herron Treasurer: Thomas Wilson

Officers

Commandant: Peter Burns Quartermaster: Charles McDowell Captain: Robert ‘Rory’ Haskins Captain: Sean Kelly

Roll

Joseph Allen 23 Cavendish Street Patrick Allen 23 Cavendish Street John Allen (Nenagh, Tipperary) Thomas Allen (deceased)

Patrick Bagbey Abercorn Street North Dermot Barnes (Dublin) Patrick Barnes 47 Beechmount Avenue Robert Best 6 Beechmount Street Frank Booth 10 Alexandra Street West John Boyle 11 Braemer Street Daniel Braniff 14 New Dock Street William Brown Mulhouse Street Peter Burns 19 Linden Street Owen Butler (Dublin)

Thomas Campbell 1 Ross Place Patrick Carey 8 Linden Street James Casey 42 Forest Street Michael Carolan (Dublin) Thomas Clear Donegall Road Edward Clarke (deceased) Francis Collins 79 Cavendish Street Alex Connolly (Senate, Dublin) Joseph Connolly (Senate, Dublin) John Corrigan (deceased) Henry Corr 127 Ormeau Road Sean Cusack (Dublin)

Seamus Dempsey (USA) Patrick Dempsey (deceased) John Dillon 49 Gibson Street Henry Dobbin (Dublin) Seamus Dobbin (Dublin) Joseph Doherty 6 Falls Road Edward Doherty (Dublin) Edward Doyle (Dublin) Hugh Doherty (Dublin) Hugh Donnelly (Dundrum, Dublin) Joseph Donnelly Briton’s Parade Patrick Doran 70 Cawnpore Street Hugh Downey 42 Dunmore Street Dunne Joseph Lisburn Road

Patrick Fox 23 Earlscourt Street William Fagan (deceased)

William Gaynor (Dublin) John Gilligan Malone Avenue William Gilmore (Dublin) Edward Gilmore (Dublin) Thomas Gregory Theresa Street Neal Gribben (Armagh) John Gribben Annahorish, Antrim

Sean Hall (Dublin) James Hannen (Liverpool) Sean Harvey 129 Grosvenor Road Samuel Hacket 4 Shields Street William Harbinson 143 Divis Street Robert ‘Rory’ Haskins (USA) Samuel Heron (Dublin) Archie Heron (Dublin) Andrew Hegherty 96 Cavendish Street Patrick Hefferon (Free State) James Hughes (deceased) Jerry Hurley (deceased)

James Jackson (address unknown) James Johnston (deceased) James Johnston Cromac Street (deceased)

? Kane (deceased) Frongoch Patrick Kane Valentine Street Sean Kelly Alameda Terrace Patrick Kearney Panton Street Joseph Kerr Havana Street S. Keenan 28 California Street

James Lawless 25 Lincoln Street James Lindsay Jute Street Henry Loughran Clonard Gardens Fredrick Loughrey 45 Springfield Road James Loughrey (USA)

Thomas McAteer 15 Colligan Street ? McCallum (not given) Thomas McCombe Cawnpore Street Owen McCombe 5 Colinpark Street James McCann (Clones) Daniel McCann 137 Albert Street Denis McCullough (Dawson Street, Dublin) Joseph McCusker (deceased) John McDonnell (deceased) John McDonnell Springview Street Charles McDowell 116 Leeson Street Sean McErlean (deceased) Peter McFadden 23 Dimsdale Street John McFadden 23 Granville Street Neil McFarland St Paul’s Terrace David McGuinness Leoville Street Sean McGouran (deceased) John McGeown (Derrymacash, Lurgan) H. McGeown 93 Plevna Street William McKeeveny Leeson Street James McKeeveney Mulhouse Street James McKenna 78 Falls Road Patrick McKenna 4 Bantry Street John McKenna Cupar Street John McKeown Balkan Street Michael McLaverty (deceased) Arthur McLarnon (deceased) Bernard McMakin (deceased) Peter McMahon (deceased) Patrick McNulty Ormond Street Seamus McNamee (deceased) Cahal McStocker New Lodge Road Michael McWatters (Dublin) Sean Malone 55 Fallswater Street James Mallon Ross Street Joseph Magee 21 Nansen Street James Morgan 80 Abyssinia Street Leo Murphy (deceased) Thomas Mullan (Free State)

George Nash 52 Gibson Street Patrick Nash (deceased) Sean Neeson (Cork) Thomas Newell (deceased) Michael Nolan 93 McDonnell Street William Nolan 39 Beechmount Street James Nugent Cavendish Street

John O’Neill (deceased) Manus O’Boyle (Donegal) Michael O’Donnell Whiterock Gardens Henry O’Hara (?) Henry Osborne 14 Divis Drive

Sean Peaden Rosemary Street James Perry Drew Street Herbert M Pim Belfast Thomas Poland 16 Dimsdale Street

Patrick Quinn Springview Street Robert Quinn 79 Cavendish Street

George Rafferty (USA) Liam Rooney (Dublin) John Ruddick Hannashtown Robert Ruttledge (USA)

William Shaw (deceased) James Scullion 82 Iris Drive Cathal O’Shannon (Dublin) James Smyth Andersonstown Sean Sullivan (Cork)

? Tierney (?) [named as Edward Tierney, Falls Road on list of internees] Arthur Toner 37 Balaclava Street Edward Toner (USA) John Toner (USA) James Towmey Mary Street Daniel Turley 54 Dunmore Street Patrick Turley (?)

Seamus Ward (Donegal) William Ward (Limerick or USA) Sean Walsh 53 Manor Street ? Walsh (Liverpool) Thomas Wardlow (Dublin) Thomas Wilson 38 Dunville Street Seamus Wylie Glenard Drive William Woods 26 Beechmount Street

Named in the various published lists of Belfast internees in Frongoch but not on Belfast Brigade Committee list are: Jerry Barnes 66 St James Park Alfie Cotton, 2 Rosemount Gardens

Cathal O’Shannon (in Jimmy Steele’s 1916-1966: Belfast and nineteen-sixteen) also names Thomas White and Eamonn Rooney as being present.